Clarifications on His Holiness’ Tibet Remarks in Dharamsala on 25 October 2008During
celebrations of the 48th founding anniversary of the Tibetan Children’s
Village on 25 October here in Dharamsala, His Holiness the Dalai Lama
made some remarks on the issue of Tibet that are now being quoted out
of context in some media reports. Consequently, to clarify the
situation we are issuing the gist of His Holiness’ remarks below as
well as a separate translation of a transcript of what he really said.His
Holiness the Dalai Lama said that Tibetans have long been pursuing a
path to find a solution to the issue of Tibet that would be mutually
acceptable to Tibetans and Chinese. This has received widespread
appreciation from the international community, several governments
included. More importantly, it has gained the support of many Chinese
intellectuals. His Holiness went on to say that,
unfortunately, the Chinese leadership has so far not responded
positively to our overtures and does not seem interested in addressing
the issue in a realistic way. Beginning in March this year, a series of
protests and demonstrations erupted in Lhasa and in many other
traditional Tibetan areas. These were clearly a spontaneous expression
of the Tibetan people’s deep-seated resentment and dissatisfaction over
more than five decades of repressive Chinese communist rule.Since
the Chinese Government has accused His Holiness of orchestrating these
protests in Tibet, he called for a thorough investigation to examine
these allegations, even offering access to Central Tibetan
Administration files and records here in India. So far, this offer has
not been taken up, but the situation in Tibet becomes graver by the
day. Therefore, His Holiness said that it is difficult for him to
continue to shoulder such a heavy responsibility when the present
Chinese leadership does not seem to appreciate simple truth, reason and
common sense. In the absence of any positive reciprocal response from
the Chinese leadership, His Holiness feels that if he cannot help find
a solution, he would rather not hinder it in any way. His Holiness
feels that he cannot afford to pretend that his persistent efforts to
find a mutually satisfactory solution to the Tibetan problem are
bearing fruit.Therefore, on 11 September His Holiness called a
special meeting of Tibetans from all parts of our community in exile to
engage in wide-ranging discussions with the aim of identifying
realistic and non-violent options for the future course of our
struggle. His Holiness concluded that when all is said and done it is
for the Tibetan people themselves to decide about their collective
future.Office of His Holiness the Dalai LamaDharamsala28 October 2008
— An Excerpt from His Address During the 48th Founding Anniversary of the Tibetan Children’s Village on 25 October 2008Recently
Tibet has witnessed a crisis. Across the three traditional provinces of
Tibet, the Tibetan people courageously articulated their discontentment
with — and vented their long-simmering resentment against — the Chinese
government. The outburst was not just restricted to the community of
monks and nuns; it included believers as well as non-believers of all
ages, including Party members, students, and even those Tibetan
students who are studying in Mainland China. Realistically, at that
time there was no way for the Chinese government to altogether ignore
this fact and it should have come up with measures that were
appropriate to what was happening on the ground. However it did not.
Completely ignoring Tibetan aspirations, it went ahead and cracked down
upon the Tibetan protestors, calling them various and sundry names such
as “Splittists”, “Political Rebels”. At this critical moment
when the great mass of our brothers and sisters inside Tibet have made
such great sacrifices, it would not do for us living in the free world
to remain silent or inactive — as though we are oblivious to what was
happening in our country. Until now, we have adopted a
position that is based on an endeavour to benefit both the parties
concerned. As such, it has gained the appreciation of many countries
across the world, including India. Among Chinese intellectuals, in
particular, there is a growing support for this approach. These are
indeed victories for us. To bring about a positive change inside Tibet
is not just our fundamental duty; it is also our ultimate objective.
The sad reality, however, is that we have not been able to fulfil this
objective. Therefore when I made my first statement to the European
parliament in Strasbourg way back in 1988, I categorically mentioned
that the ultimate decision with regard to the issue of Tibet would be
taken by the general Tibetan public. In 1993, direct contact
between the Chinese government and us came to an end. We once again
held consultations with the general Tibetan populace on the best
possible way forward. It was decided, however, to continue to follow
the same position as before. The common cause of Tibet
concerns the welfare of the Tibetan people as a whole. It is not at all
an issue about my person. As such the Tibetan people collectively
should think over the issue of the common good of Tibet and decide
accordingly. Seen from a different angle, we have from the very
beginning committed ourselves to treading a genuine path of democracy.
On our part, we do not preach democracy and practise autocracy. So, at
this critical juncture whatever suggestions, views and opinions the
general Tibetan public have should be thoroughly discussed. This should
be done in a manner that takes into account the best possible course
for the realisation of our fundamental cause, rather than for the
glorification of ideologies and policies of respective political
parties or the simple articulation of different political viewpoints.
All Tibetan people — whether they belong to the laity or the
ecclesiastical community — must work towards the sustenance of our
national identity. Generally speaking, the sustenance of the Tibetan
national identity is quite different from that of any other nations or
peoples on this planet. If the Tibetan national identity is sustained
well, its value systems — based as they are on the Buddhist tenets of
loving kindness and compassion — have an innate quality of being
beneficial for the whole of the world. Therefore, our struggle for
truth is not only related to the benefit of the six million Tibetans,
it is also closely related to our ability to provide a certain amount
of benefit to the entire world. Our struggle for truth, thus, has
reason behind it. If in the future the Tibetan struggle for truth is
amicably and properly resolved, it will certainly help millions of
people, including those in China, to discover new prospects for leading
a healthier, more meaningful life, securing both mental and physical
happiness. On the other hand, if Tibet were to become a
society that pursues only material benefit — as a result of China’s
complete obliteration of Tibetan religion and culture, the very basis
of which is compassion — this will, instead of benefiting the Chinese
people, lead to their loss in the future. Therefore, this struggle of
ours is, in reality, beneficial to everyone involved. Realising this,
we should think over and discuss the ways and means available to us. I
am asking all of you to do so, because this is an issue that concerns
the common good of all of us Tibetans. The Chinese government
has accused me of inciting the recent unrest in Tibet. As well as
making direct representations to the Chinese government, I have made
public appeals that Beijing should provide a detailed explanation on
this matter. In these representations and appeals, I have said that
they can dispatch investigating teams to Dharamsala to check the files
of our departments and offices. I have also said that they can go
through the recorded tapes of my speeches or statements to the new
arrivals from Tibet. No investigating teams have arrived thus far. But
China continues to hurl criticism against me. Taking these
developments into account, it appears that my continuing to hold on to
this position is creating obstacles to the Tibet problem, rather than
helping resolve it. Therefore the issue of the common good of Tibet
would be better decided by the Tibetan people. There is no need for me
to interfere in this.On 11 September I reached a decision that
I can no longer bear this responsibility. I see no useful purpose being
served by my continuing to take up this responsibility. However, if the
Chinese leadership honestly engages in talks, then I may be in a
position to take up this responsibility again. I will, then, sincerely
engage with them. It is very difficult to deal with people, who are not
sincere. So I say this very candidly to representatives of the media: I
have faith and trust in the Chinese people; however, my faith and trust
in the Chinese government is diminishing. I have called upon
the elected Tibetan leadership to discuss these points at a special
meeting. I feel this matter cannot be decided all at once by the
convening of such an extensive meeting. The principal point, however,
is that all the people should take responsibility, should take a keen
interest in the matter and should come up with the ways and means, as
well as practicable actions, for the realisation of our cherished goal.
In other words, all Tibetans should work together in a spirit of
collective responsibility to discuss the matter before us, taking into
full consideration the short- and long-term benefit of the Tibetan
people. However, the final or the actual decision must be made by the
Tibetan people.