Statement of His Holiness the Dalai Lama on the 52nd Anniversary
of the Tibetan National Uprising Day
10 March 2011
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| His Holiness the Dalai Lama delivering his statement on the 52nd anniversary of the Tibetan people’s national uprising day in Dharamsala, India, on 10 March 2011/OHHDL PHOTO |
marks the 52nd anniversary of the Tibetan people’s peaceful uprising of
1959 against Communist China’s repression in the Tibetan capital Lhasa,
and the third anniversary of the non-violent demonstrations that took
place across Tibet in 2008. On this occasion, I would like to pay
tribute to and pray for those brave men and women who sacrificed their
lives for the just cause of Tibet. I express my solidarity with those
who continue to suffer repression and pray for the well-being of all
sentient beings.
For
more than sixty years, Tibetans, despite being deprived of freedom and
living in fear and insecurity, have been able to maintain their unique
Tibetan identity and cultural values. More consequentially, successive
new generations, who have no experience of free Tibet, have
courageously taken responsibility in advancing the cause of Tibet. This
is admirable, for they exemplify the strength of Tibetan resilience.
This
Earth belongs to humanity and the People’s Republic of China (PRC)
belongs to its 1.3 billion citizens, who have the right to know the
truth about the state of affairs in their country and the world at
large. If citizens are fully informed, they have the ability to
distinguish right from wrong. Censorship and the restriction of
information violate basic human decency. For instance, China’s leaders
consider the communist ideology and its policies to be correct. If this
were so, these policies should be made public with confidence and open
to scrutiny.
China,
with the world’s largest population, is an emerging world power and I
admire the economic development it has made. It also has huge potential
to contribute to human progress and world peace. But to do that, China
must earn the international community’s respect and trust. In order to
earn such respect China’s leaders must develop greater transparency,
their actions corresponding to their words. To ensure this, freedom of
expression and freedom of the press are essential. Similarly,
transparency in governance can help check corruption. In recent years,
China has seen an increasing number of intellectuals calling for
political reform and greater openness. Premier Wen Jiabao has also
expressed support for these concerns. These are significant indications
and I welcome them.
The
PRC is a country comprising many nationalities, enriched by a diversity
of languages and cultures. Protection of the language and culture of
each nationality is a policy of the PRC, which is clearly spelt out in
its constitution. Tibetan is the only language to preserve the entire
range of the Buddha’s teachings, including the texts on logic and
theories of knowledge (epistemology), which we inherited from India’s
Nalanda University. This is a system of knowledge governed by reason
and logic that has the potential to contribute to the peace and
happiness of all beings. Therefore, the policy of undermining such a
culture, instead of protecting and developing it, will in the long run
amount to the destruction of humanity’s common heritage.
The
Chinese government frequently states that stability and development in
Tibet is the foundation for its long-term well-being. However, the
authorities still station large numbers of troops all across Tibet,
increasing restrictions on the Tibetan people. Tibetans live in
constant fear and anxiety. More recently, many Tibetan intellectuals,
public figures and environmentalists have been punished for
articulating the Tibetan people’s basic aspirations. They have been
imprisoned allegedly for “subverting state power” when actually they
have been giving voice to the Tibetan identity and cultural heritage.
Such repressive measures undermine unity and stability. Likewise, in
China, lawyers defending people’s rights, independent writers and human
rights activists have been arrested. I strongly urge the Chinese
leaders to review these developments and release these prisoners of
conscience forthwith.
The
Chinese government claims there is no problem in Tibet other than the
personal privileges and status of the Dalai Lama. The reality is that
the ongoing oppression of the Tibetan people has provoked widespread,
deep resentment against current official policies. People from all
walks of life frequently express their discontentment. That there is a
problem in Tibet is reflected in the Chinese authorities’ failure to
trust Tibetans or win their loyalty. Instead, the Tibetan people live
under constant suspicion and surveillance. Chinese and foreign visitors
to Tibet corroborate this grim reality.
Therefore,
just as we were able to send fact-finding delegations to Tibet in the
late 1970s and early 1980s from among Tibetans in exile, we propose
similar visits again. At the same time we would encourage the sending
of representatives of independent international bodies, including
parliamentarians. If they were to find that Tibetans in Tibet are
happy, we would readily accept it.
The
spirit of realism that prevailed under Mao’s leadership in the early
1950s led China to sign the 17-point agreement with Tibet. A similar
spirit of realism prevailed once more during Hu Yaobang’s time in the
early 1980s. If there had been a continuation of such realism the
Tibetan issue, as well as several other problems, could easily have
been solved. Unfortunately, conservative views derailed these policies.
The result is that after more than six decades, the problem has become
more intractable.
The
Tibetan Plateau is the source of the major rivers of Asia. Because it
has the largest concentration of glaciers apart from the two Poles, it
is considered to be the Third Pole. Environmental degradation in Tibet
will have a detrimental impact on large parts of Asia, particularly on
China and the Indian subcontinent. Both the central and local
governments, as well as the Chinese public, should realise the
degradation of the Tibetan environment and develop sustainable measures
to safeguard it. I appeal to China to take into account the survival of
people affected by what happens environmentally on the Tibetan Plateau.
In
our efforts to solve the issue of Tibet, we have consistently pursued
the mutually beneficial Middle-Way Approach, which seeks genuine
autonomy for the Tibetan people within the PRC. In our talks with
officials of the Chinese government’s United Front Work Department we
have clearly explained in detail the Tibetan people’s hopes and
aspirations. The lack of any positive response to our reasonable
proposals makes us wonder whether these were fully and accurately
conveyed to the higher authorities.
Since
ancient times, Tibetan and Chinese peoples have lived as neighbours. It
would be a mistake if our unresolved differences were to affect this
age-old friendship. Special efforts are being made to promote good
relations between Tibetans and Chinese living abroad and I am happy
that this has contributed to better understanding and friendship
between us. Tibetans inside Tibet should also cultivate good relations
with our Chinese brothers and sisters.
In
recent weeks we have witnessed remarkable non-violent struggles for
freedom and democracy in various parts of North Africa and elsewhere. I
am a firm believer in non-violence and people-power and these events
have shown once again that determined non-violent action can indeed
bring about positive change. We must all hope that these inspiring
changes lead to genuine freedom, happiness and prosperity for the
peoples in these countries.
One
of the aspirations I have cherished since childhood is the reform of
Tibet’s political and social structure, and in the few years when I
held effective power in Tibet, I managed to make some fundamental
changes. Although I was unable to take this further in Tibet, I have
made every effort to do so since we came into exile. Today, within the
framework of the Charter for Tibetans in Exile, the Kalon Tripa, the
political leadership, and the people’s representatives are directly
elected by the people. We have been able to implement democracy in
exile that is in keeping with the standards of an open society.
As
early as the 1960s, I have repeatedly stressed that Tibetans need a
leader, elected freely by the Tibetan people, to whom I can devolve
power. Now, we have clearly reached the time to put this into effect.
During the forthcoming eleventh session of the fourteenth Tibetan
Parliament in Exile, which begins on 14th March, I will formally
propose that the necessary amendments be made to the Charter for
Tibetans in Exile, reflecting my decision to devolve my formal
authority to the elected leader.
Since
I made my intention clear I have received repeated and earnest requests
both from within Tibet and outside, to continue to provide political
leadership. My desire to devolve authority has nothing to do with a
wish to shirk responsibility. It is to benefit Tibetans in the long
run. It is not because I feel disheartened. Tibetans have placed such
faith and trust in me that as one among them
I
am committed to playing my part in the just cause of Tibet. I trust
that gradually people will come to understand my intention, will
support my decision and accordingly let it take effect.
I
would like to take this opportunity to remember the kindness of the
leaders of various nations that cherish justice, members of
parliaments, intellectuals and Tibet Support Groups, who have been
steadfast in their support for the Tibetan people. In particular, we
will always remember the kindness and consistent support of the people
and Government of India and State Governments for generously helping
Tibetans preserve and promote their religion and culture and ensuring
the welfare of Tibetans in exile. To all of them I offer my heartfelt
gratitude.
With my prayers for the welfare and happiness of all sentient beings.
The Dalai Lama
10 March 2011
