Address to the plenary session of the European ParliamentBy His Holiness the XIV Dalai Lama Your Excellency, Mr. President, Honorable Members of the Parliament, ladies and gentlemen,
His Holiness addresses the European Parliament in Brussels (Photo :Reuters)
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It
is a great honour to speak before you today and I thank you for your
invitation. Wherever I go, my main interest or commitment is in the
promotion of human values such as warm heartedness this is what I
consider the key factor for a happy life at the individual level,
family level and community level. In our modern times, it seems that
insufficient attention is paid to these inner values. Promoting them is
therefore my number one commitment. My second interest or
commitment is the promotion of inter-religious harmony. We accept the
need for pluralism in politics and democracy, yet we often seem more
hesitant about the plurality of faiths and religions. Despite their
different concepts and philosophies, all major religious traditions
bear the same messages of love, compassion, tolerance, contentment and
self-discipline. They are also similar in having the potential to help
human beings lead happier lives. So these two are my main interests and
commitments.Of course the issue of Tibet is also of particular
concern to me and I have a special responsibility to the people of
Tibet, who continue to place their hope and trust in me during this
most difficult period in the history of Tibet. The welfare of the
Tibetan people is my constant motivation and I consider myself to be
their free spokesperson in exile. The last time I had the
privilege to address the European Parliament (EP), on October 24, 2001,
I stated, “despite some development and economic progress, Tibet
continues to face fundamental problems of survival. Serious violations
of human rights are widespread throughout Tibet and are often the
result of policies of racial and cultural discrimination. Yet, they are
only the symptoms and consequences of a deeper problem. The Chinese
authorities view Tibet’s distinct culture and religion as the source of
threat of separation. Hence as a result of deliberate policies an
entire people with its unique culture and identity are facing the
threat of extinction”.Since March this year, Tibetans from all
walks of life and across the entire Tibetan plateau demonstrated
against the oppressive and discriminatory policies of the Chinese
authorities in Tibet. With full awareness of the imminent danger to
their lives, Tibetans from all across Tibet known as Cholka-Sum
(U-Tsang, Kham and Amdo), young and old, men and women, monastic and
lay people, believer and non-believers, including students, came
together to spontaneously and courageously express their anguish,
dissatisfaction and genuine grievances at the policies of the Chinese
government. I have been deeply saddened by the loss of life, both
Tibetan and Chinese, and immediately appealed to the Chinese
authorities for restraint. Since the Chinese authorities have blamed me
for orchestrating the recent events in Tibet, I have made repeated
appeals for an independent and respected international body to conduct
a thorough investigation into the matter, including inviting them to
Dharamsala, India. If the Chinese government has any evidence to
support such serious allegations, they must disclose it to the world.Sadly,
the Chinese authorities have resorted to brutal methods to deal with
the situation in Tibet, despite appeals by many world leaders, NGOs and
personalities of international standing to avoid violence and show
restraint. In the process, a large number of Tibetans have been killed,
thousands injured and detained. There are many whose fate remains
completely unknown. Even as I stand here before you, in many parts of
Tibet there is a huge presence of armed police and military. In many
areas Tibetans continue to suffer under a state of de-facto martial
law. There is an atmosphere of angst and intimidation. Tibetans in
Tibet live in a constant state of fear of being the next to be
arrested. With no international observers, journalists or even tourists
allowed into many parts of Tibet, I am deeply worried about the fate of
the Tibetans. Presently, the Chinese authorities have a completely free
hand in Tibet. It is as though Tibetans face a death sentence, a
sentence aimed at wiping out the spirit of the Tibetan people.Many
honorable members of the EP are well aware of my consistent efforts to
find a mutually acceptable solution to the Tibet problem through
dialogue and negotiations. In this spirit, in 1988 at the European
Parliament in Strasbourg I presented a formal proposal for negotiations
that does not call for separation and independence of Tibet. Since
then, our relations with the Chinese government have taken many twists
and turns. After an interruption of nearly 10 years, in 2002 we
re-established direct contact with the Chinese leadership. Extensive
discussions have been held between my envoys and representatives of the
Chinese leadership. In these discussions we have put forth clearly the
aspirations of the Tibetan people. The essence of my Middle Way
Approach is to secure genuine autonomy for the Tibetan people within
the scope of the Constitution of the PRC.During the seventh
round of talks in Beijing on 1st and 2nd July this year, the Chinese
side invited us to present our views on the form of genuine autonomy.
Accordingly, on 31st October 2008 we presented to the Chinese
leadership the Memorandum on Genuine Autonomy for the Tibetan People.
Our memorandum puts forth our position on genuine autonomy and how the
basic needs of the Tibetan nationality for autonomy and self-government
can be met. We have presented these suggestions with the sole purpose
of making a sincere effort to address the real problems in Tibet. We
were confident that given goodwill, the issues raised in our memorandum
could be implemented.Unfortunately, the Chinese side has
rejected our memorandum in its totality, branding our suggestions as an
attempt at “semi-independence” and “independence in disguise” and, for
that reason, unacceptable. Moreover, the Chinese side is accusing us of
“ethnic cleansing” because our memorandum calls for the recognition of
the right of autonomous areas “to regulate the residence, settlement
and employment or economic activities of persons who wish to move to
Tibetan areas from other parts of the PRC.”We have made it
clear in our memorandum that our intention is not to expel
non-Tibetans. Our concern is the induced mass movement of primarily
Han, but also some other nationalities, into many Tibetan areas, which
in turn marginalizes the native Tibetan population and threatens
Tibet’s fragile natural environment. Major demographic changes that
result from massive migration will lead to the assimilation rather than
integration of the Tibetan nationality into the PRC and gradually lead
to the extinction of the distinct culture and identity of the Tibetan
people.The cases of the peoples of Manchuria, Inner Mongolia
and East Turkestan in the PRC are clear examples of the devastating
consequences of a massive population transfer of the dominant Han
nationality upon the minority nationalities. Today, the language,
script and culture of the Manchu people have become extinct. In Inner
Mongolia today, only 20% are native Mongolians out of a total
population of 24 millions.Despite the assertions by some
hard-line Chinese officials to the contrary, from the copies of our
memorandum made available to you it is clear that we have sincerely
addressed the concerns of the Chinese government about the sovereignty
and territorial integrity of the PRC. The memorandum is
self-explanatory. I would welcome your comments and suggestions. I
take this opportunity to appeal to the European Union and the
Parliament to use your good offices, sparing no efforts, to persuade
the Chinese leadership to resolve the issue of Tibet through earnest
negotiations for the common good of the Tibetan and Chinese peoples.While
I firmly reject the use of violence as a means in our struggle, we
certainly have the right to explore all other political options
available to us. In the spirit of democracy, I called for a Special
Meeting of Tibetans in exile to discuss the state of Tibetan people and
the state of the issue of Tibet and the future course of our movement.
The meeting took place from November 17-22, 2008 in Dharamsala, India.
The failure of the Chinese leadership to respond positively to our
initiatives has reaffirmed the suspicion held by many Tibetans that the
Chinese government has no interest whatsoever in any kind of mutually
acceptable solution. Many Tibetans continue to believe that the Chinese
leadership is bent on the forceful and complete assimilation and
absorption of Tibet into China. They therefore call for the complete
independence of Tibet. Others advocate the right to self-determination
and a referendum in Tibet. Despite these different views, the delegates
to the Special Meeting unanimously resolved to empower me to decide the
best approach, in accordance with the prevailing situation and the
changes taking place in Tibet, China and the wider world. I will study
the suggestions made by about 600 leaders and delegates from Tibetan
communities around the world, including views we are able to gather
from a cross section of Tibetans in Tibet. I am a staunch
believer in democracy. Consequently, I have consistently encouraged
Tibetans in exile to follow the democratic process. Today, the Tibetan
refugee community may be among the few refugee communities that have
established all three pillars of democracy: legislature, judiciary and
executive. In 2001, we took another great stride in the process of
democratization by having the chairman of the Kashag (cabinet) of the
Tibetan Administration in exile elected by popular vote. I
have always maintained that ultimately the Tibetan people must be able
to decide the future of Tibet. As Pandit Nehru, the first Prime
Minister of India, stated in the Indian Parliament on December 7, 1950:
“The last voice in regard to Tibet should be the voice of the people of
Tibet and nobody else.”The issue of Tibet has dimensions and
implications that go well beyond the fate of six million Tibetans.
Tibet is situated between India and China. For centuries Tibet acted as
a peaceful buffer zone separating the two most populated countries on
earth. However, in 1962, only a few years after the so-called “peaceful
liberation of Tibet” the world witnessed the first ever war between the
two Asian giants. This clearly shows the importance of a just and
peaceful resolution of the Tibet question in ensuring lasting and
genuine trust and friendship between the two most powerful nations of
Asia. The Tibetan issue is also related to Tibet’s fragile environment,
which scientists have concluded, has an impact on much of Asia
involving billions of people. The Tibetan plateau is the source of many
of Asia’s greatest rivers. Tibet’s glaciers are the earth’s largest ice
mass outside the Poles. Some environmentalists today refer to Tibet as
the Third Pole. And, if the present warming trend continues the Indus
River might dry up within the next 15-20 years. Furthermore, Tibet’s
cultural heritage is based on Buddhism’s principle of compassion and
non-violence. Thus, it concerns not just the six million Tibetans, but
also the over 13 million people across the Himalayas, Mongolia and in
the Republics of Kalmykia and Buryat in Russia, including a growing
number of Chinese brothers and sisters who share this culture, which
has the potential to contribute to a peaceful and harmonious world. My
maxim has always been to hope for the best and to prepare for the
worst. With this in mind, I have counseled the Tibetans in exile to
make more rigorous efforts in educating the younger generation of
Tibetans, in strengthening our cultural and religious institutions in
exile with the aim of preserving our rich cultural heritage, and in
expanding and strengthening the democratic institutions and civil
society among the Tibetan refugee community. One of the main objectives
of our exile community is to preserve our cultural heritage where there
is the freedom to do so and to be the free voice of our captive people
inside Tibet. The tasks and challenges we face are daunting. As a
refugee community, our resources are naturally limited. We Tibetans
also need to face the reality that our exile may last for a longer
time. I would therefore be grateful to the European Union for
assistance in our educational and cultural endeavors.I have no
doubt that the principled and consistent engagement of the EP with
China will impact the process of change that is already taking place in
China. The global trend is towards more openness, freedom, democracy
and respect for human rights. Sooner or later, China will have to
follow the world trend. In this context, I wish to commend the EP for
awarding the prestigious Sakharov Prize to the Chinese human rights
defender Hu Jia. It is an important signal as we watch China rapidly
moving forward. With its newfound status, China is poised to play an
important leading role on the world stage. In order to fulfill this
role, I believe it is vital for China to have openness, transparency,
rule of law and freedom of information and thought. There is no doubt
that the attitudes and policies of members of the international
community towards China will impact the course of the change taking
place in China as much as domestic events and developments. In
contrast to the continued extremely rigid attitude of the Chinese
government towards Tibet, fortunately among the Chinese people –
especially among the informed and educated Chinese circles – there is a
growing understanding and sympathy for the plight of the Tibetan
people. Although my faith in the Chinese leadership with regard to
Tibet is becoming thinner and thinner, my faith in the Chinese people
remains unshaken. I have therefore been advising the Tibetan people to
make concerted efforts to reach out to the Chinese people. Chinese
intellectuals openly criticized the harsh crackdown of Tibetan
demonstrations by the Chinese government in March this year and called
for restraint and dialogue in addressing the problems in Tibet. Chinese
lawyers offered publicly to represent arrested Tibetan demonstrators at
trials. Today, there is growing understanding, sympathy, support and
solidarity among our Chinese brothers and sisters for the difficult
situation of the Tibetans and their legitimate aspirations. This is
most encouraging. I take this opportunity to thank the brave Chinese
brothers and sisters for their solidarity. I also thank the
European Parliament for the consistent display of concern and support
for the just and non-violent Tibetan struggle. Your sympathy, support
and solidarity have always been a great source of inspiration and
encouragement to the Tibetan people, both in and outside of Tibet. I
would like to express special thanks to the members of the Tibet
Inter-Group of the EP, who have made the tragedy of the Tibetan people
not only a focus of their political work but also a cause of their
hearts. The many resolutions of the EP on the issue of Tibet have
helped greatly to highlight the plight of the Tibetan people and to
raise the awareness of the issue of Tibet amongst the public and in
governments here in Europe, and all around the world The
consistency of the European Parliament’s support for Tibet has not gone
unnoticed in China. I regret where this has caused some tensions in
EU-China relations. However, I wish to share with you my sincere hope
and belief that the future of Tibet and China will move beyond mistrust
to a relationship based on mutual respect, trust and recognition of
common interest – irrespective of the current very grim situation
inside Tibet and the deadlock in the dialogue process between my envoys
and the Chinese leadership. I have no doubt that your continued
expressions of concern and support for Tibet will, in the long run,
have a positive impact and help create the necessary political
environment for a peaceful resolution of the issue of Tibet. Your
continued support is, therefore, critical.I thank you for the honor to share my thoughts with you.Brussels, 4 December 2008