This is the last session of this Parliament’s tenure. During this period, all have put their best efforts. We may have faced some difficulties  that is natural everywhere. But on major issues I must say it has been very good. Therefore, I want to thank all of you. Rinpoche worked very hard due to which everything went on very well. I wish to especially thank the Chairman.
I want to say this: We gather in this house and call it Parliament and you are its members, having been elected by popular vote. You have been elected by the Tibetans living in exile. We have the Kashag (Cabinet) to handle the administration. It has come to be called the Central Tibetan Administration in exile. We do not have our own country. We are living in exile as refugees at the moment. Under such exiled conditions, the purpose of doggedly establishing a Parliament, a Kashag, and an administration-in-exile is not only for the sake of the over 100,000 Tibetans in exile.
Although the various settlements, schools, religious institutions, and many other exiled affairs certainly benefit from the establishment of the Tibetan administration  we have responsibilities to serve them. But our chief objective is to restore the freedom of our lost country, and before that our immediate responsibility is to solve the urgent deteriorating conditions inside Tibet. Therefore, all of you assembled in this hall should always mainly think about the freedom of Tibet, the overall Tibetan affairs and the welfare of the six million Tibetans. The Kashag has to think mainly of the welfare of the six million Tibetans all the time. Sometimes of the 24 hours  we spend most of our time thinking about the problems of the few Tibetans in exile. If we use most of our time on such problems, it would be a waste and very sad. Among our few exiles, sometimes silly problems arise. On the basis of a small internal problem, people create more problems in the name of the overall cause of Tibet, going to the extent of taking sides. This is sad and not at all good. So it is important that everyone in this House and all those in Gangchen Kyishong [Tibetan Secretariat area in Dharamshala] should recognise our basic responsibilities towards the fulfilment of those fundamental duties. One should think and make every effort in this direction.
Sometimes I feel there are persons amongst us who think that the administration-in-exile or the Tibetan administration is almost equal to the government of India. Although we are refugees, under very difficult conditions, we have established an administration chiefly because of the extra motivation, support and spirit of the Tibetan masses. Otherwise we have neither the right nor the powers of a government. There is also a set of people who take the example of those who have their own country and the powers of implementation when talking of our democracy, which is also incongruous. For example, those who have their own country, have the powers to establish war councils during wartime. In the same way, during emergencies, they have appropriate procedures. Our case should not be taken at par with an independent country fighting with another nation. Having become refugees, we do not even have a handful of land to call it our country. Secondly, while in another country, our bid to regain the freedom of Tibet is neither for the benefit of the Tibetan refugees only nor is it because of a temporary disagreement in our political ideology. Our struggle is for the cause of a whole race of people. The Tibetan race may either perish or survive. Normally, the benefit of thousands of millions of people is more important than that of only six million  and in that context, the six million Tibetans are in a minority. But the six million Tibetans are related to the Buddhist culture, and in today’s world, there are many unbiased people who are interested, appreciate and praise Tibetan culture. This culture is beneficial not only for the Tibetans but for the peoples of Asia. Speaking from a broader perspective, it has the power and potential to benefit, to a certain extent, the whole world. Thus, this culture being related to the Tibetan freedom struggle, our work is a mission which is in accordance with the tenets of our religion and is therefore justified and important. Under such circumstances, the responsibility of the freedom struggle is a paramount task. Without the selfish aim of victory for self and defeat for the other, if this task is performed with pure motivation, it can earn great merit. Therefore, if all of us here can, in future, devote ourselves to the cause of the survival of our race and culture, it has great power and potential to benefit on a wide scale. So it is our bounden duty to try to safeguard our race and culture which are on the verge of extinction. Sometimes, I feel concerned that we seem to spend a lot of time on petty matters without realising the importance of the bigger issues. In all our day to day activities if we can think from the bigger plane, then the small matters can pester us a bit but will not seem to be life-threatening. It is therefore meaningless to argue about the petty matters without thinking of the bigger stakes. Anyhow, I think there is good support for the true cause of Tibet.
Another point is that in the overall world, since we become refugees, the Tibetan issue of our rightful struggle, from one side, has become old. Furthermore, economically, our issue is not so directly related to the world. China, on the other hand, is a country which due to its resources of support, power, etc., even the big nations of the world treat it with caution and attention. We are challenging that country. Under such circumstances, the number of people supporting our rightful cause out of real concern, is increasing. That is our good fortune. Of course, half the credit must go to our people inside Tibet who have been steadfast in their stand. Secondly, it is also due to the disgraceful act of the Chinese themselves that although they hope for great fame, but in practice, they lay their own labour to waste.
Anyhow, I think there is great support for the true cause of Tibet. For example, from a political point of view, it is difficult for people to recognise the Tibetan administration-in-exile. However, independent journalist and in many parliamentary resolutions such as in the resolutions of the European Parliament, they clearly recognise the Tibetan administration-in-exile. These are matters of great progress for the Tibetan cause.
Simultaneously, there has been an increased interest in the Tibetan issue among the Chinese people. Many Chinese say that the Tibetans should be supported sincerely. This is tremendously precious. We can ultimately resolve the problems between Tibet and China only through direct relations with the Chinese. Otherwise, with the help of other powers, we cannot oust the Chinese from Tibet. For mutual benefit, we can definitely solve the problems through dialogue with the Chinese. Keeping this as our aim, it is extremely important for us to strive to get the support of the Chinese people. Until now, to some extent, we have had relations with them. However, it is very important that we continue to maintain and build this relationship.
Similarly, there are many Tibetan officials, parliamentarians, youth and women representatives who move around the globe and meet with the international community. For example, last year some Tibetan women went to Beijing to attend the United Nations Fourth World Conference on Women and were able to make meaningful representation. Such activities are being carried out from all sides. Until now, these activities have led to some positive results. Still it is very crucial for us to put in our wholehearted efforts.
Recently the Chinese have adopted hard-line policies not only on the Tibetan issue but also against the people of Taiwan, for those working for a democratic set up in Hong Kong, and towards the British and Americans. Under these policies they have also been hard on the Tibetans. Among them is the recent rigid stand they have taken on the issue of the reincarnation of the 10th Panchen Lama. However, I am not that concerned about this issue.
When more and more educated Chinese are sincerely supporting the Tibetan issue, the rigid policies adopted by the present Chinese political leaders is only for a short while and I don’t think will last forever. Secondly, the reason for their harsh policies is because of their tension and doubts due to the crisis emanating from the critical health conditions of Deng Xiaoping. Under such circumstances they have made rigid policies, which I believe cannot last forever. Due to the recent Chinese rigidity and the matter of Panchen Rinpoche, there is no need to think anew or to be cowed down.
On my part there are no changes to my Five Point Peace Plan or the Strasbourg Proposal. If there is some positive gesture from the Chinese, then from our side, we will follow the Middle Path to strive for a long-lasting and mutually beneficial solution. If there is some indication from the Chinese, then from our side we will immediately prepare to discuss matters with them. There is no change on this issue.
However, since our struggle is the struggle of the entire race of the Tibetan people, it becomes an issue to be strived for from generation to generation. Therefore in late 1960 or 1970s, thinking that it was not stable as it was, we thought of registering the exiled administration with the government of India and made the documents to that effect. Even from that time, we had been thinking of our stability. So, today when recognition to the exiled administration is coming from the outside impartial and politically unproblematic quarters, our administration-in-exile becomes all the more important. In the eyes of the Chinese as well as those supporting us, if they can see that the exiled administration is stable and that it can shoulder the responsibility of the freedom struggle  and further, if they can see that therefore it does not matter whether the Dalai Lama as a single individual is alive or not  that is important.
These days some Chinese say that the Dalai Lama is over 60 years old and as he becomes aged, Tibetan would be left with nothing. These statements by the Chinese are foolish. The Tibetans have the ability to work hard over many generations. The urgent situation in Tibet these days is that there is excessive migration of Chinese into Tibet. But from our side, since we are struggling for the rights of the Tibetans as a race, we should continue our responsibilities as a public institution and the nature of the exiled administrative institution should be made apparent. In actual fact, the Dalai Lama, whether from the historical perspective or the karmic or on the strength of the prayers, is connected with the Tibetan people. I have already worked and have firmly decided to serve the cause of the Tibetan Buddhist institution, polity and all Tibetan people till death. In this, there is no change. There is a close connection between the Dalai Lama and the Tibetan people and it has beneficial as well as alarming aspects. But it is important to demonstrate the stable nature of the exiled administrative institution.
The other day in New York, didn’t the people undergoing Hunger Strike unto Death, also called for the recognition of the Tibetan administration-in-exile? Therefore, we are urging people to support us by even sacrificing our lives. Before requesting others to support us, it is important for our own people to first of all respect and give due recognition to our own administration-in-exile. We must all strive and shoulder responsibilities in maintaining the dignity and powers of our government. Sometimes the Administration and the Parliament have blamed each other in shouldering small responsibilities. This is not worthwhile and is meaningless. To see that the public institution is stable and secure is the responsibility of each and every Tibetan. It is for the common cause of Tibet. It is not proper to merely cast one’s own responsibilities on someone else. The masses will have to bear all the losses. It will not be a situation where one individual gains while the other looses. It is important that we all collectively shoulder the responsibilities, just as we do when an epidemic spreads.
It is useless and frivolous to blame each other. To sum up, the most important thing is to make firm and stable the institution of the Tibetan administration-in-exile. It is not good if you make a move only when the Dalai Lama speaks, and when he does not say anything, there are no moves or initiatives for change. I call this as “the await order” ism. It is not good to wait only for my orders without taking any self-initiative.
Lately there has been some improvement. The Kalons and Secretaries of the various departments have undertaken their responsibilities and are doing very well. Still, it is very important for all to take full responsibilities of the Tibetan administration. From my side, for example, in major matters like the relationship between China and Tibet & since I have the designation  it has a direct relationship with me. Similarly, to represent the Tibetans worldwide, it might somewhat help to use my name. For example, if the Chairman of the Assembly goes somewhere, he will not receive the same kind of treatment. If the Kalon Tripa goes, he will also not receive the same response. Such matters will have to be dealt with me. Other than that, all internal affairs including administrative matters should be settled without me. If you can take full responsibilities for all internal matters in your hands, it will present the true picture of the Tibetan administration-in-exile. In the eyes of the Chinese also, they will be able to see that without the Dalai Lama, things can be carried out securely. It will also be very beneficial to reaffirm the recognition from the outside world for our administration.
Personally, as I am now over 60 years of age, it is natural to be subjected to the wear and tear of ageing. Therefore, with regard to the vitally important issues, I, as the Dalai Lama, must and shall deal with those matters. Otherwise, the more responsibilities you can shoulder, the more relaxed will I feel. Secondly, according to the norms of democracy, if the public themselves show their resilience and if the institutions can take over the full responsibilities, the more advantages there will be. To speak from a darker side, there is what is called religion and the bond of faith and devotion. I have a story to tell about this relationship. During the reign of the Thirteenth Dalai Lama, he baptised many thousands of monks but hardly gave them any religious teachings. During the Great Monlam Festival, he only gave the teachings of the Jataka tales. Other than that, he never gave any other teachings. The Thirteenth Dalai Lama used to say, “Since I take many political responsibilities that require frequent interventions which may or may not be liked by people, it would therefore not be good if the relations between the lama and the disciples become too strong. Therefore I do not give too many religious teachings.” When he stayed in Mongolia, he gave many teachings to the clergy and gave many religious sermons to the common Mongolian people. Similarly, before the Revolution, he used to preach to the Mongolians who visited Lhasa. He however did not give ser
This is the last session of this Parliament’s tenure. During this period, all have put their best efforts. We may have faced some difficulties  that is natural everywhere. But on major issues I must say it has been very good. Therefore, I want to thank all of you. Rinpoche worked very hard due to which everything went on very well. I wish to especially thank the Chairman.
I want to say this: We gather in this house and call it Parliament and you are its members, having been elected by popular vote. You have been elected by the Tibetans living in exile. We have the Kashag (Cabinet) to handle the administration. It has come to be called the Central Tibetan Administration in exile. We do not have our own country. We are living in exile as refugees at the moment. Under such exiled conditions, the purpose of doggedly establishing a Parliament, a Kashag, and an administration-in-exile is not only for the sake of the over 100,000 Tibetans in exile.
Although the various settlements, schools, religious institutions, and many other exiled affairs certainly benefit from the establishment of the Tibetan administration  we have responsibilities to serve them. But our chief objective is to restore the freedom of our lost country, and before that our immediate responsibility is to solve the urgent deteriorating conditions inside Tibet. Therefore, all of you assembled in this hall should always mainly think about the freedom of Tibet, the overall Tibetan affairs and the welfare of the six million Tibetans. The Kashag has to think mainly of the welfare of the six million Tibetans all the time. Sometimes of the 24 hours  we spend most of our time thinking about the problems of the few Tibetans in exile. If we use most of our time on such problems, it would be a waste and very sad. Among our few exiles, sometimes silly problems arise. On the basis of a small internal problem, people create more problems in the name of the overall cause of Tibet, going to the extent of taking sides. This is sad and not at all good. So it is important that everyone in this House and all those in Gangchen Kyishong [Tibetan Secretariat area in Dharamshala] should recognise our basic responsibilities towards the fulfilment of those fundamental duties. One should think and make every effort in this direction.
Sometimes I feel there are persons amongst us who think that the administration-in-exile or the Tibetan administration is almost equal to the government of India. Although we are refugees, under very difficult conditions, we have established an administration chiefly because of the extra motivation, support and spirit of the Tibetan masses. Otherwise we have neither the right nor the powers of a government. There is also a set of people who take the example of those who have their own country and the powers of implementation when talking of our democracy, which is also incongruous. For example, those who have their own country, have the powers to establish war councils during wartime. In the same way, during emergencies, they have appropriate procedures. Our case should not be taken at par with an independent country fighting with another nation. Having become refugees, we do not even have a handful of land to call it our country. Secondly, while in another country, our bid to regain the freedom of Tibet is neither for the benefit of the Tibetan refugees only nor is it because of a temporary disagreement in our political ideology. Our struggle is for the cause of a whole race of people. The Tibetan race may either perish or survive. Normally, the benefit of thousands of millions of people is more important than that of only six million  and in that context, the six million Tibetans are in a minority. But the six million Tibetans are related to the Buddhist culture, and in today’s world, there are many unbiased people who are interested, appreciate and praise Tibetan culture. This culture is beneficial not only for the Tibetans but for the peoples of Asia. Speaking from a broader perspective, it has the power and potential to benefit, to a certain extent, the whole world. Thus, this culture being related to the Tibetan freedom struggle, our work is a mission which is in accordance with the tenets of our religion and is therefore justified and important. Under such circumstances, the responsibility of the freedom struggle is a paramount task. Without the selfish aim of victory for self and defeat for the other, if this task is performed with pure motivation, it can earn great merit. Therefore, if all of us here can, in future, devote ourselves to the cause of the survival of our race and culture, it has great power and potential to benefit on a wide scale. So it is our bounden duty to try to safeguard our race and culture which are on the verge of extinction. Sometimes, I feel concerned that we seem to spend a lot of time on petty matters without realising the importance of the bigger issues. In all our day to day activities if we can think from the bigger plane, then the small matters can pester us a bit but will not seem to be life-threatening. It is therefore meaningless to argue about the petty matters without thinking of the bigger stakes. Anyhow, I think there is good support for the true cause of Tibet.
Another point is that in the overall world, since we become refugees, the Tibetan issue of our rightful struggle, from one side, has become old. Furthermore, economically, our issue is not so directly related to the world. China, on the other hand, is a country which due to its resources of support, power, etc., even the big nations of the world treat it with caution and attention. We are challenging that country. Under such circumstances, the number of people supporting our rightful cause out of real concern, is increasing. That is our good fortune. Of course, half the credit must go to our people inside Tibet who have been steadfast in their stand. Secondly, it is also due to the disgraceful act of the Chinese themselves that although they hope for great fame, but in practice, they lay their own labour to waste.
Anyhow, I think there is great support for the true cause of Tibet. For example, from a political point of view, it is difficult for people to recognise the Tibetan administration-in-exile. However, independent journalist and in many parliamentary resolutions such as in the resolutions of the European Parliament, they clearly recognise the Tibetan administration-in-exile. These are matters of great progress for the Tibetan cause.
Simultaneously, there has been an increased interest in the Tibetan issue among the Chinese people. Many Chinese say that the Tibetans should be supported sincerely. This is tremendously precious. We can ultimately resolve the problems between Tibet and China only through direct relations with the Chinese. Otherwise, with the help of other powers, we cannot oust the Chinese from Tibet. For mutual benefit, we can definitely solve the problems through dialogue with the Chinese. Keeping this as our aim, it is extremely important for us to strive to get the support of the Chinese people. Until now, to some extent, we have had relations with them. However, it is very important that we continue to maintain and build this relationship.
Similarly, there are many Tibetan officials, parliamentarians, youth and women representatives who move around the globe and meet with the international community. For example, last year some Tibetan women went to Beijing to attend the United Nations Fourth World Conference on Women and were able to make meaningful representation. Such activities are being carried out from all sides. Until now, these activities have led to some positive results. Still it is very crucial for us to put in our wholehearted efforts.
Recently the Chinese have adopted hard-line policies not only on the Tibetan issue but also against the people of Taiwan, for those working for a democratic set up in Hong Kong, and towards the British and Americans. Under these policies they have also been hard on the Tibetans. Among them is the recent rigid stand they have taken on the issue of the reincarnation of the 10th Panchen Lama. However, I am not that concerned about this issue.
When more and more educated Chinese are sincerely supporting the Tibetan issue, the rigid policies adopted by the present Chinese political leaders is only for a short while and I don’t think will last forever. Secondly, the reason for their harsh policies is because of their tension and doubts due to the crisis emanating from the critical health conditions of Deng Xiaoping. Under such circumstances they have made rigid policies, which I believe cannot last forever. Due to the recent Chinese rigidity and the matter of Panchen Rinpoche, there is no need to think anew or to be cowed down.
On my part there are no changes to my Five Point Peace Plan or the Strasbourg Proposal. If there is some positive gesture from the Chinese, then from our side, we will follow the Middle Path to strive for a long-lasting and mutually beneficial solution. If there is some indication from the Chinese, then from our side we will immediately prepare to discuss matters with them. There is no change on this issue.
However, since our struggle is the struggle of the entire race of the Tibetan people, it becomes an issue to be strived for from generation to generation. Therefore in late 1960 or 1970s, thinking that it was not stable as it was, we thought of registering the exiled administration with the government of India and made the documents to that effect. Even from that time, we had been thinking of our stability. So, today when recognition to the exiled administration is coming from the outside impartial and politically unproblematic quarters, our administration-in-exile becomes all the more important. In the eyes of the Chinese as well as those supporting us, if they can see that the exiled administration is stable and that it can shoulder the responsibility of the freedom struggle  and further, if they can see that therefore it does not matter whether the Dalai Lama as a single individual is alive or not  that is important.
These days some Chinese say that the Dalai Lama is over 60 years old and as he becomes aged, Tibetan would be left with nothing. These statements by the Chinese are foolish. The Tibetans have the ability to work hard over many generations. The urgent situation in Tibet these days is that there is excessive migration of Chinese into Tibet. But from our side, since we are struggling for the rights of the Tibetans as a race, we should continue our responsibilities as a public institution and the nature of the exiled administrative institution should be made apparent. In actual fact, the Dalai Lama, whether from the historical perspective or the karmic or on the strength of the prayers, is connected with the Tibetan people. I have already worked and have firmly decided to serve the cause of the Tibetan Buddhist institution, polity and all Tibetan people till death. In this, there is no change. There is a close connection between the Dalai Lama and the Tibetan people and it has beneficial as well as alarming aspects. But it is important to demonstrate the stable nature of the exiled administrative institution.
The other day in New York, didn’t the people undergoing Hunger Strike unto Death, also called for the recognition of the Tibetan administration-in-exile? Therefore, we are urging people to support us by even sacrificing our lives. Before requesting others to support us, it is important for our own people to first of all respect and give due recognition to our own administration-in-exile. We must all strive and shoulder responsibilities in maintaining the dignity and powers of our government. Sometimes the Administration and the Parliament have blamed each other in shouldering small responsibilities. This is not worthwhile and is meaningless. To see that the public institution is stable and secure is the responsibility of each and every Tibetan. It is for the common cause of Tibet. It is not proper to merely cast one’s own responsibilities on someone else. The masses will have to bear all the losses. It will not be a situation where one individual gains while the other looses. It is important that we all collectively shoulder the responsibilities, just as we do when an epidemic spreads.
It is useless and frivolous to blame each other. To sum up, the most important thing is to make firm and stable the institution of the Tibetan administration-in-exile. It is not good if you make a move only when the Dalai Lama speaks, and when he does not say anything, there are no moves or initiatives for change. I call this as “the await order” ism. It is not good to wait only for my orders without taking any self-initiative.
Lately there has been some improvement. The Kalons and Secretaries of the various departments have undertaken their responsibilities and are doing very well. Still, it is very important for all to take full responsibilities of the Tibetan administration. From my side, for example, in major matters like the relationship between China and Tibet & since I have the designation  it has a direct relationship with me. Similarly, to represent the Tibetans worldwide, it might somewhat help to use my name. For example, if the Chairman of the Assembly goes somewhere, he will not receive the same kind of treatment. If the Kalon Tripa goes, he will also not receive the same response. Such matters will have to be dealt with me. Other than that, all internal affairs including administrative matters should be settled without me. If you can take full responsibilities for all internal matters in your hands, it will present the true picture of the Tibetan administration-in-exile. In the eyes of the Chinese also, they will be able to see that without the Dalai Lama, things can be carried out securely. It will also be very beneficial to reaffirm the recognition from the outside world for our administration.
Personally, as I am now over 60 years of age, it is natural to be subjected to the wear and tear of ageing. Therefore, with regard to the vitally important issues, I, as the Dalai Lama, must and shall deal with those matters. Otherwise, the more responsibilities you can shoulder, the more relaxed will I feel. Secondly, according to the norms of democracy, if the public themselves show their resilience and if the institutions can take over the full responsibilities, the more advantages there will be. To speak from a darker side, there is what is called religion and the bond of faith and devotion. I have a story to tell about this relationship. During the reign of the Thirteenth Dalai Lama, he baptised many thousands of monks but hardly gave them any religious teachings. During the Great Monlam Festival, he only gave the teachings of the Jataka tales. Other than that, he never gave any other teachings. The Thirteenth Dalai Lama used to say, “Since I take many political responsibilities that require frequent interventions which may or may not be liked by people, it would therefore not be good if the relations between the lama and the disciples become too strong. Therefore I do not give too many religious teachings.” When he stayed in Mongolia, he gave many teachings to the clergy and gave many religious sermons to the common Mongolian people. Similarly, before the Revolution, he used to preach to the Mongolians who visited Lhasa. He however did not give sermons to the Tibetans because he saw an objection in it  it is not good to breach the bonds of devotion of the lama after having received teachings from him.
Until now I have given more time to religious matters. I personally feel more comfortable if I work on religious matters. Neither have I the experience, nor do I know much about world political matters. Especially, when there are circumstances where I have to deal with crafty people, in such situations I easily get deceived. Such situation may also arise in future  and I may not know and I may also not be able to cope with it. That is why, until now, I have served and contributed to the religious aspects. This I hope to do until my last breath. When Tibet regains freedom, I will leave my political responsibilities. At that time, if I can physically sustain, I will try my best to reach all the three provinces of Tibet. When we return to Tibet, if I get a helicopter, I wish to go to all the places and meet the Tibetan people  meet with the old folks of the community and make everyone happy. This I wish to do, not only for Tibetans, but for the people in China, India and all those countries around the world with whom I have maintained relations. I wish to help them until my last breath. I neither get discouraged nor tired by such hopes  I feel happy. Other than that, I do not know about political matters.
In future, when Tibet regains freedom, I have already declared that I shall give up politics. While in exile, I am compelled to take my political responsibilities. As I have mentioned earlier, regarding the major matters, I have but to take the responsibility.
But on small matters, such as those which are related to Parliament, they should be resolved by the parliamentarians and the administrative related matters by the Kashag. Each department should take its own responsibility. Until now you all have shouldered a lot of responsibilities. In future, if any problem arises, do not think that the Dalai Lama will resolve the problem. If any problem arises, it has to be ultimately solved by yourselves. Do not think that you can put it on the Dalai Lama  please bear this in mind. Everyone should unitedly shoulder the responsibility in order to prevent the problem from arising in the first place. The words may be unpleasant, but it should make no difference with the death of the Dalai Lama and consider that he is already no more  and accordingly carry out your responsibilities to the full. If you think that in case of problems, the Dalai Lama is there to solve them, it creates laxity and is not good.
In future, there will be a time, when I will no longer be with you. At that time, if there is no one who can solve the problems then it is no use. When I am alive, it is good if you can shoulder all the responsibilities. The future strategies have been discussed and are being finalised, so discuss them openly. I cannot tell you to do this and that in detail  I do not know also. On the major issues, it is to be done as I have already told you before. Please keep this in your minds.
In short, if the overall Tibetan cause becomes strong we can continue to struggle for our rights as we have been doing till now and maintain our dignity. If the main structure crumbles, then we would be left with nothing to fight for our rights and democratic freedom. Everything will crumble together. This is for our own cause and is not for the benefit of one and two individuals. If Tibet regains freedom and becomes prosperous then it will benefit us. If the exiled establishment is stable, it benefits all of us. If public affairs are not well managed, are disorderly and if our actions cause embarrassment to the extent that people from all sides blame the Tibetan people and the administration at Dharamshala, this will be the loss to all of us, and not of a few individuals only.
Therefore, as everyone has been putting in their best efforts, I wish to reiterate that you continue to do so. Anyway, whether you listen or not is up to you. It is my responsibility to tell you. Thank you. Tashi Delek!
Note: His Holiness the Dalai Lama delivered the above speech extempore in Tibetan. This English translation is not issued by the Office of His Holiness the Dalai Lama, and any comparison, therefore, should not be made with the one in Tibetan. This is only for information of the visitors who can’t read Tibetan. In case of doubts, consider the original speech in Tibetan.
mons to the Tibetans because he saw an objection in it  it is not good to breach the bonds of devotion of the lama after having received teachings from him.
Until now I have given more time to religious matters. I personally feel more comfortable if I work on religious matters. Neither have I the experience, nor do I know much about world political matters. Especially, when there are circumstances where I have to deal with crafty people, in such situations I easily get deceived. Such situation may also arise in future  and I may not know and I may also not be able to cope with it. That is why, until now, I have served and contributed to the religious aspects. This I hope to do until my last breath. When Tibet regains freedom, I will leave my political responsibilities. At that time, if I can physically sustain, I will try my best to reach all the three provinces of Tibet. When we return to Tibet, if I get a helicopter, I wish to go to all the places and meet the Tibetan people  meet with the old folks of the community and make everyone happy. This I wish to do, not only for Tibetans, but for the people in China, India and all those countries around the world with whom I have maintained relations. I wish to help them until my last breath. I neither get discouraged nor tired by such hopes  I feel happy. Other than that, I do not know about political matters.
In future, when Tibet regains freedom, I have already declared that I shall give up politics. While in exile, I am compelled to take my political responsibilities. As I have mentioned earlier, regarding the major matters, I have but to take the responsibility.
But on small matters, such as those which are related to Parliament, they should be resolved by the parliamentarians and the administrative related matters by the Kashag. Each department should take its own responsibility. Until now you all have shouldered a lot of responsibilities. In future, if any problem arises, do not think that the Dalai Lama will resolve the problem. If any problem arises, it has to be ultimately solved by yourselves. Do not think that you can put it on the Dalai Lama  please bear this in mind. Everyone should unitedly shoulder the responsibility in order to prevent the problem from arising in the first place. The words may be unpleasant, but it should make no difference with the death of the Dalai Lama and consider that he is already no more  and accordingly carry out your responsibilities to the full. If you think that in case of problems, the Dalai Lama is there to solve them, it creates laxity and is not good.
In future, there will be a time, when I will no longer be with you. At that time, if there is no one who can solve the problems then it is no use. When I am alive, it is good if you can shoulder all the responsibilities. The future strategies have been discussed and are being finalised, so discuss them openly. I cannot tell you to do this and that in detail  I do not know also. On the major issues, it is to be done as I have already told you before. Please keep this in your minds.
In short, if the overall Tibetan cause becomes strong we can continue to struggle for our rights as we have been doing till now and maintain our dignity. If the main structure crumbles, then we would be left with nothing to fight for our rights and democratic freedom. Everything will crumble together. This is for our own cause and is not for the benefit of one and two individuals. If Tibet regains freedom and becomes prosperous then it will benefit us. If the exiled establishment is stable, it benefits all of us. If public affairs are not well managed, are disorderly and if our actions cause embarrassment to the extent that people from all sides blame the Tibetan people and the administration at Dharamshala, this will be the loss to all of us, and not of a few individuals only.
Therefore, as everyone has been putting in their best efforts, I wish to reiterate that you continue to do so. Anyway, whether you listen or not is up to you. It is my responsibility to tell you. Thank you. Tashi Delek!
Note: His Holiness the Dalai Lama delivered the above speech extempore in Tibetan. This English translation is not issued by the Office of His Holiness the Dalai Lama, and any comparison, therefore, should not be made with the one in Tibetan. This is only for information of the visitors who can’t read Tibetan. In case of doubts, consider the original speech in Tibetan.